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Feminist views on sexuality differ significantly. Many feminists, especially radical feminists, are highly critical of what people see as sexual objectification and sexual exploitation in the media and society. Radical feminists often oppose; the porn industry, even against prostitution and pornography. Other feminists define the company as sex-positive feminists and believe that a wide range of female sexuality can be empowering for women when movies are freely chosen. Some feminists support efforts to reform the porn industry to make it less sexist, such as the feminist pornography movement.

1 feminist sex wars 1.1 feminist criticism of sex use and the sex industry1.2 sex positive feminism1.3 feminism and pornography 1.3.1 anti-pornographic feminism1.3.2 anti-censorship and propornographic feminists 1.3.2.1 feminist pornography

1.4.1 anti-prostitution feminism1.4. 2 feminists who advocate for the sex process and the rights of sex workers

2.1 feminist opposition to s&m and s&m2.2 pro-bdsm and bdsm feminists

4.1 feminism and asexuality4.2 feminism and bisexuality4.3 feminism and gays4.4 feminism and heterosexuality4.5 feminism and lesbianism 4.5.1 lesbian separatism 4.5.2 political lesbianism

4.7.1 feminist applications of queer theory4.7.2 feminist critiques of queer theory

8 .1 male perspective

Feminist sex wars[edit]

Feminist sex battles and lesbian sex wars, or just sex wars or porn wars, were a fierce debate among feminists by the late 1970s and early 1980s. The parties were characterized by anti-porn and pro-sex groups with disagreements over sexuality, sexual representation, pornography, sadomasochism, the role of trans women in the lesbian community, and other sexual issues. The debate pitted anti-pornographic feminism against sex-positive feminism, and over the course of the feminist movement was deeply divided. Waves of feminism.

Two sides included anti-pornography feminists as well as porn-positive feminists. One of the most significant clashes between pro-intimacy and anti-porn feminists occurred at the 1982 barnard sexuality conference. Anti-pornography feminists were excluded from the event zoning committee, so they staged rallies outside the conference grounds to show their disdain.[6]

Feminist criticism of sexual use and eros production[ edit]

Many feminists condemn industries such as the sex industry as examples of misogynistic exploitation. Among the important feminists opposing; sex industry were andrea dworkin and katherine mckinnon. The couple wanted civil laws restricting pornography. They viewed male sexual dominance as the root of all female oppression and thus denounced pornography, prostitution, and such manifestations of male sexual power.[6] the anti-pornography movement gained momentum with the founding of women against violence in pornography and the press. During the sex wars, she organized marches against pornographers and producers in san francisco and led to women against pornography, feminists against pornography, and similar organizations and efforts throughout the united states.[8]

Sex-positive feminism[edit]

In response to "sex-positive feminists", sex was promoted as a way for women to find pleasure. Gail rubin and patrick kalifia had an impact on this part of the movement. Other feminists who identify the company as "sex positive" include ellen willis, kathy acker, susie bright, carol queen, annie sprinkle, avedon carol, tristan taormino, rachel kramer bussel, nina hartley, and betty dodson. The sex-positive feminism movement is now much more popular.

Feminism and pornography[edit]

Feminist views on pornography range from condemning pornography as a form of violence to against women, before the work of some forms of pornography as a means of feminist expression. Feminist debates on this topic reflect broader concerns about feminist ideas about sexuality and are closely intertwined with feminist debates about prostitution, bdsm, and other issues. Pornography has been one of the most controversial issues in feminism, especially among feminists in english-speaking countries.

Feminism vs. Pornography[edit]

Radical feminist opponents of pornography such as andrea dworkin, katherine mckinnon, robin morgan, diana russell, alice schwarzer, gale dines and robert jensen, argue that pornography is harmful to women and, in fact, there is a strong causal relationship or promotion of violence against women. Anti-pornography feminists, specifically mckinnon, argue that the production of pornography pulls at the end of the work, physical, psychological and / or the economic coercion of the women who perform and model her. This is true even when the fairer sex is presented as having fun.[9][10][11]

Anti-pornography feminists are of the opinion that pornography promotes sexism, that using the services of pornographic actresses are reduced to mere receptacles - objects - for intimate use and abuse by men. They argue that the narrative is usually built around gentlemen's enjoyment as one task of sexual activity, with women shown in a subservient role. Some opponents understand that sex films tend to depict women as extremely passive, or that acts performed on women are usually offensive and intended only for the pleasure of their sexual partner. Facial ejaculation and anal rape are increasingly popular among men who follow trends in videos.[12] mckinnon and dworkin defined pornography as "the graphic explicitly sexual subjugation of women through photographs or words". >

From this position, pornography can be seen as a drug for the expression of female sexuality. Sex-positive feminists view many radical feminist views on sexuality, including views on pornography, as no less oppressive than those of patriarchal religions and ideologies, and say that anti-pornography feminist discourse ignores and simplifies women's sexual freedom. Ellen willis (who coined the term "prosexual feminism") states, "as we have seen, the claim that 'pornography is violence against women' was the code for the neo-victorian idea that men desire sex and women tolerate it." 14]

Sex-positive feminists have different attitudes towards existing pornography. Various intimate-positive feminists see pornography as subverting many of the traditional notions about women they oppose, such as the rule that women don't value sex at all and only get bliss out of intercourse in the context of a relationship, or that ladies only enjoy vanilla sex. They also argue that pornography sometimes depicts women in sexually dominant roles and presents women with a greater range of body types than is typical of the favorite times and fashions.

Many feminists, regardless of their views on pornography , fundamentally against censorship. Even many feminists who see pornography as a sexist institution also see censorship (including mckinnon's civil law approach) as evil. In its mission statement, feminists for free speech says that censorship has never reduced violence, but has historically been used in our power to silence women and stifle efforts for social change. They point to margaret sanger's birth control literature, holly hughes' feminist plays, and works such as homemade bodies, we on our own, and the well of loneliness, in some way, as examples of feminist sexual speech that has become a target of censorship. Ffe also argues that attempting to solve social problems through censorship "diverts attention from the underlying causes of social ills and provides a cosmetic, dangerous 'operational solution'". Instead, they argue, a spacious and vibrant marketplace of ideas is the best guarantee for achieving feminist goals in a democratic society. After the 1970s, kaminer worked with women against pornography, where she campaigned for efforts to raise private perceptions and against legal efforts to censor pornography. She wrote a chapter in the anti-pornography anthology take back the night, in which she defended the freedoms enshrined in the 1st amendment and explained the dangers of seeking legal solutions to the alleged problem of pornography. She opposed attempts by catherine mckinnon and andrea dworkin to define pornography as a violation of civil rights, and criticized the censorship movement in the article. 1992 in the atlantic entitled feminists against the first amendment.[16]

Feminist pornography[edit]

Feminist pornography is pornography created by women -feminists and with their participation. It is a small but growing segment of the porn industry.In the words of tristan taormino, “feminist porn responds to dominant images with alternative ones and creates its own iconography.” 19] madison young and sasha gray also describe themselves as sex-positive feminists and state that they do not recognize themselves as victims of sexism. They defend their decision to engage in pornography as a free choice and claim that much of what such arrangements collect on camera is an expression of their sexuality. It has also been noted that women in pornography tend to earn more than their male counterparts.[20] some porn performers, such as nina hartley, passionately fight in the movement and development for the rights of sex workers. Actually exists, based on her hope that pornography is inherently objective and that feminist pornography is therefore an oxymoron.[23] an american radical feminist periodical, without our support, has denounced feminist pornography as "pseudo-feminist" completely called "feminist" pornography.[24]

Feminism and prostitution[edit]

As with so many issues in the feminist movement, there are a huge number of opinions about prostitution. A substantial number of such positions can be broadly reduced to a significant point of view, which usually either criticizes or supports prostitution and sex work.[25] feminists who oppose prostitution see prostitution as a form of exploitation of ladies and domination of women by men, as well as a practice that is the result of the existing patriarchal social order. These feminists say that prostitution has a very negative impact, like other people, on the prostitutes themselves, likewise on society as a whole, as it reinforces the stereotypes of girls who are seen as sexual objects that are used along with others in everything that is connected with men, and be subjected to violence. Other feminists think that prostitution and other forms of sex work may be an acceptable priority for ladies and men who decide to go into the waste business. From this point of view, prostitution should be distinguished from forced prostitution, and feminists should support the activism of sex workers against abuses both from the sex work, never from the third legal system. The disagreement between these two feminist positions has proven to be particularly contentious and may therefore be comparable to the feminist sex wars of the last century.[26]

Feminism versus prostitution[edit]

Feminists are vehemently opposed to prostitution as they see the practice as a form of violence against women that society cannot tolerate. Feminists who hold such views on prostitution include kathleen barry, melissa farley,[27][28] julie bindel[29][30], sheila jeffries, katherine mckinnon[31] and laura lederer[32]

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These feminists say, and in most cases, prostitution is not a conscious and calculated choice. They say that most girls who become prostitutes do so because they are forced or coerced by a pimp or human trafficking, or, when it is an independent decision, usually the result of extreme poverty and lack of opportunity, or a serious underlying reason. Problems such as drug addiction, past traumas (such as sexual abuse of children, and other adverse circumstances. These feminists point out that women from the lower socioeconomic classes are poor women, wives with a low level of education, women from the most disadvantaged racial and ethnic minorities are overrepresented in prostitution in the world “if prostitution is an unfixed choice, why is it most often done by women who have the fewest options?” (Mckinnon, 1993) [33]. 475 people involved in prostitution reported that they were tormented at an unpleasant stage in their lives, and the mass is willing to leave the occupation.34 katherine mckinnon says that in prostitution, women fuck with members of the stronger sex with whom they would never otherwise had sex. So money works as a means of power, but not as a measure of consent. It works no less physical force during rape. ]

Some anti-prostitution scholars say that true consent in prostitution is impossible. Barbara sullivan says: “there are very few writers in the academic literature on prostitution who are confident that a valid solution to prostitution is possible. Most assume that the assignment of prostitution is impossible, or at least unlikely.” “(...) Most authors believe that consent to prostitution is very difficult, just as it is not impossible (...) Most authors argued that consent to prostitution is impossible.For radical feminists, this can be related to the fact that prostitution is necessarily a forced sexual practice. All other parts just assume that economic coercion makes sex workers' sexual consent quite problematic when you're not impossible…”[37]. Finally, abolitionists think that no one can be said to really agree with their own oppression, and no one should have the right to do the oppression of others. According to kathleen barry, consent does not remain “a good indicator of the existence of oppression, and consent to violence is a fact of oppression. Oppression cannot be effectively measured by the degree of "consent", since there was little consent in slavery, if consent is defined as the inability to see or feel any alternative." >

Unlike feminists who criticize prostitution, proponents of the porn industry do not believe that the sexual acts of prostitution have a mandatory element of coercion, exploitation, and domination. Thus, proponents of sex feminists instead say that porn work is a possibly positive experience for women who have used their autonomy to make a conscious decision to enter prostitution.

Many feminists, especially those associated with the sex worker rights movement or sex-positive feminism, testify that the act of selling sex is not necessarily must be exploitative; however, that attempts to eradicate prostitution and the attitudes that lead to these attempts lead to an abusive climate for sex workers that needs to be changed. From this position, prostitution, along with other forms of sex work, can be a justified idea for the women and men who engage in it. This view has led to an increase in the international movement for sex worker rights since the 1970s, including organizations such as coyote, the international collective of prostitutes, the sex worker exploitation project, and other sex worker rights groups.

An important argument put forward by pro-sex work feminists like carol quinn emphasizes that all too often feminists who criticize prostitution do not best consider the views of girls who are sex workers themselves, preferring instead this to base its theoretical foundations and outdated experience.[39] feminists who do not support the radical anti-prostitution stance of the principal argue that there are serious problems with the anti-prostitution stance, not least that, in the words of sarah bromberg, "it develops from a political theory that is too verbose, generalized." , And too often uses the stereotype of being a prostitute. Radical [anti-prostitution] feminist views ... Are not always sufficiently delineated to support a credible theory that prostitution degrades all women."[40]

Feminists who advocate for sex work say that sex work is not a "monolith", that it is large and diverse, that citizens engage in sex work for many reasons and how to deal with prostitution with the institute is unproductive. . Instead, who believe that something should be created to improve the quality of life of people of the elderly industry.[41]

Feminism and striptease[edit]

Many feminists find strip clubs offensive to the permits and benefits of women. Feminists and women's rights activists in iceland managed to ban strip clubs in early spring 2010. The law officially enters into force on july 31, 2010[42]. Icelandic feminist siv fridleifsdóttir was the first to introduce the bill. Johanna sigurdardóttir, prime minister of iceland, said: "the scandinavian countries are leading the way in women's equality by recognizing women as equal citizens, not merchandise." It is unacceptable that spouses or people in general are a product for sale.” / >

Other feminists believe that striptease happens to be sexy and feminist. The lusty lady is a peep show in north beach, san francisco founded by a group of strippers who were going to start a feminist strip club owned by workers. In addition, a number of feminists believe that pole dancing can be a feminist act. In 2009, a self-described "feminist stripper dancer" named zahra stardust was the australian sex party's candidate in a parallel election in bradfield. The concept of "feminist stripper dancing" has been ridiculed and denounced by both feminists and non-feminists alike as "just stupid"[49] and a symptom of the "end of feminism".[50]

<>feminism and bdsm[edit]

Feminist views on bdsm range widely from rejection to acceptance and everything in between. As an example, two polarization structures are compared here. The history of the relationship between feminists and bdsm practitioners has been controversial.The two most extreme positions are those who believe that feminism and bdsm are mutually exclusive beliefs, and those who believe that the practice of bdsm is an expression of sexual freedom.

Feminist opposition to bdsm, and sadomasochism[edit] ]

A number of https://x-x-x.tube/tags/spanking-f-f/videos/ radical feminists, such as andrea dworkin and susan griffin, see bdsm as a form of violence associated with hatred of women,[51][52]

<> against s&m: a radical feminist analysis includes essays and interviews by numerous feminists critical of s&m, even alice walker, robin morgan, kathleen barry, diana e. H. Russell, susan star, t-grace atkinson, john stoltenberg, sarah hoagland, susan griffin, cerridwen fallingstar, audre lorde and judith butler. Feminist organizations that have publicly spoken out against s/m/ include lavender menace, new york radical feminists (nyrf), women against violence in pornography and movies. Created by women against pornography to protest the barnard conference. Nyrf nyrf was listed among the signatories of the leaflet. Oppose bdsm, other feminists see sm as the ideal feminist expression of sexual freedom, while other feminists say that bdsm, and in times of special sm, reinforces patriarchy or that such practices are contrary to feminism. In addition, some feminists openly practice bdsm. Many sex-positive feminists consider bdsm to be an acceptable form of expression of female sexuality.[54] some lesbian feminists practice bdsm and consider it part of their own sex identity. Jessica wakeman spoke about her personal experiences with sm in her next interview after finishing her 2009 first for everyone: getting spanked article. During an october 2010 interview, wakeman has been writing about feminist issues, including feminism and media criticism, feminism and politics, and feminism and sex for about 8 years and considers herself a fairly active feminist. Wakeman talked about how